By Alain Badiou, Eric Hazan, Ivan Segre
Because the inception of the ‘War on Terror’, Israel has become increasingly very important to Western imperial method and ever more competitive in its guidelines in the direction of the Palestinians. A key ideological weapon during this improvement is the cynical and unjustified accusation of ‘anti-Semitism’ to silence protest and dissent.
For ancient purposes, this tactic has been deployed most forcefully in France, and within the first of the 2 essays in this publication French writers Alain Badiou and Eric Hazan demolish the ‘anti-Semitism is everywhere’ declare used to bludgeon critics of the Israeli country and those that stand
in unity with the banlieue youth. In ‘The Philo-Semitic Reaction’, Ivan Segré undertakes a
meticulous deconstruction of a rampant reactionary trend that identifies Jewish pursuits with the ‘democratic’ West. Segré’s target is to uphold a universalist place and to defend Jewish culture from Zionist ideological distortion.
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Therefore, Negative Dialectics is not an “abstract” document in that derogatory sense, for it approaches a modality of thought whose characteristics – its dialectic and negative character, but also its own “abstract” character – derive from highly “concrete” determinations of its object. Holloway 01 chap01 42 2/10/08 11:09:19 AN TAGO N IS M A ND D IF F ER ENCE 43 It is enough to have a quick look at the first movements of Negative Dialectics in order to confirm this. Dialectics emerges from the observation of the difference between the object and its concept, Adorno argues (1990: 4), a difference which becomes contradiction vis-à-vis the inherently identifying nature of thought.
The two begin to diverge when Adorno decisively rejects any effort to emancipate difference from negativity in the sphere of thought as long as this emancipation has not occurred in the sphere of reality, and Deleuze tries, no less forcefully, to do precisely that. The object and its concept cannot be reconciled in the sphere of thought – as Hegelian dialectics set out to do – but neither can this difference between the two be emancipated in the sphere of thought from its reduction to negativity, as the Deleuzian philosophy of difference claims.
This argument is not without certain ambiguities, but we accept its conclusion: “An investigation of economic class, then, like an investigation of race, should not begin with a mere catalogue of empirical differences but rather with the lines of collective resistance to power” (Negri and Hardt 2004: 104). And this conclusion decisively exorcises the ghost of liberalism. Indeed, if the concept of multitude is defined in terms of collective resistance against power, it becomes incompatible with the coexistence of differences which liberalism embraces.