By Jeannette Marie Mageo
Drawing upon unique fieldwork, cultural idea, and mental examine, Dreaming and the Self bargains new ways to the self—particularly to subjectivity, identification, and emotion. via an research of goals in a number of cultures, the members discover how humans as topics truly adventure cultural lifestyles, how they forge identities out in their cultural and historic reviews, how the cultural and old worlds within which they stay form even their physically behavior and responses, and the way the individual as agent responds to and imaginatively recreates his or her tradition. those essays display that desires replicate tellingly on themes of significant foreign money in anthropology, reminiscent of how humans individually deal with postcolonialism, transnationalism, and migration. real goals are tested, together with desires of Samoan youngsters approximately race; of a Haitian priestess approximately vodou deities; of a Pakistani approximately non secular lecturers; of psychoanalytic consumers in l. a. and San Diego approximately autos, witches, and intercourse; and of a tender Balinese mom a couple of missed puppy.
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40 Jeannette Marie Mageo 9. On dreams as imaginal thought, see also Stephen 1989a, 1995; Kracke 1987; and Price-Williams 1999. 10. See, for example, D’Andrade 1995; Shore 1996; and Strauss and Quinn 1997. 11. See also Eggan 1949, 471. Globus argues that because the “senses are mostly closed down during sleep” dreams are generated by “intentional meaning,” that is, by unconscious wishes and defenses (1987, 61, 90). 12. D’Andrade (1961, 308) points out that in dreams there is for most people little conscious control and an absence of external restraints, so that only those cultural patterns and norms that are most deeply internalized are likely to be present.
Fefe role-played a dialogue between himself and the monster. The monster said, “I might as well eat you. ” Just as my other students had stressed that their elders did care despite appearances, at first Fefe rejoined, “No, Monster, you’re wrong. ” But after this dialogue he remarked, “I feel like the monster is right about my family. . [T]he monster is forever chasing me. To compare that to my family—they’re always chasing me and telling me to do this and do that. Oh, a thought just passed through my head.
These symbols can then be taken up by others and may lead a culture in new directions. Ecstatic female priestesses in Sri Lanka, according to Obeyesekere take a public symbol that is important in Sri Lankan religious traditions— matted locks—and reinvest it with intense idiosyncratic meanings (1981). Psychologically, their matted locks signify the resolution of their own private childhood conflicts through the sublimation of desire. But these matted locks are more than private in their significance: publicly they are regarded by many as proof of these women’s vocation—that they have been chosen by a god.