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Women's NGOs In Pakistan by A. Jafar

By A. Jafar

How do NGOs triumph over the suspicion of them as “Western” brokers? How do they persuade people who opposite to universal perceptions, they don't “lead ladies off beam from Islam”? and the way, within the context of poverty, non secular fundamentalism, and ethnic clash, do NGOs persuade people who women’s concerns benefit any consciousness in any respect? This publication uncovers the skillful maneuvering that women’s NGOs need to practice so that it will live to tell the tale in a antagonistic atmosphere. Drawing on interviews, player commentary, and released fabrics by way of and approximately NGOs, this publication analyzes the ideas utilized by Pakistani women’s NGOs to boost women’s rights in a conservative—and frequently antagonistic—environment. 

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The concepts of fitna and qaid culminate in a construction of women and sexuality that is at once aggressive— they have the power to corrupt—as well as passive—they do not seek sexual gratification. Thus, “the onus of transgression falls on the woman and not the man, since he is in fact often seen as the victim of her sexuality” (Zia 1994, 15). Most of Zia’s rules and regulations seemed to be informed by, as well as reinforced by, this paradoxical construction of women and their sexuality. indd 30 6/17/2011 3:02:19 PM 31 T H E R E B I RT H O F A N AT I O N pretext of eliminating obscenity.

In 1961 the government passed the Family Law Ordinance, which dealt primarily with divorce and polygamy. A man could not divorce his wife through an oral proclamation anymore. He had to register the divorce with the courts. Further, if a man wished to have multiple wives he needed permission from his current wife/wives in order to do so. The ordinance also asserted a woman’s right (over that of her family) to choose whom she would marry as well as to initiate divorce. Yet, the Family Law Ordinance—although a considerable victory for women activists—was only a moderate reform when compared to other Muslim countries.

But not all rape victims have been so fortunate. In 1983, Lal Mai, another rape victim, was charged with Zina and became the first woman to be publicly f logged. She was given 15 lashes (by a man) in front of a crowd of between 5,000 and 8,000 people. indd 34 6/17/2011 3:02:20 PM T H E R E B I RT H O F A N AT I O N 35 How can we understand these laws and their impact in light of the construction of women as repositories of honor and as the property of men? As mentioned earlier, under these laws marital rape and statutory rape were not acknowledged as crimes.

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