By Ian Roxborough
The orthodox view of Mexican heritage asserts that the political balance and swift fiscal progress of the post-war interval have been due inter alia to nation keep an eye on over the labour circulate. at the facts of his large examine in Mexico among 1977 and 1982, Ian Roxborough demanding situations this traditional knowledge, arguing that keep watch over over Mexican unions has been extra fragile and difficult than seems firstly sight. Taking the automobile as a case examine, he discusses the upsurge of commercial militancy within the Seventies and explores its attainable implications for persevered political balance. targeting diversifications within the factory-level organizations of the operating category, the account during this publication de-emphasises theories which rigidity category attention or which specialize in the aristocracy of labour, in favour of a thought that areas political and organisational energy on the centre of research. This research of the grass roots of commercial militancy could have relevance not just for the examine of latest Mexico but in addition for common causes of the politics of labour within the 3rd international.
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Additional resources for Unions and Politics in Mexico: The Case of the Automobile Industry
Sample text
This is not, in principle, a problem, since the two sources can be summed. 53 I have been unable to obtain a complete time series of strikes in industries under federal jurisdiction. 5. In this period, the number of workers in each jurisdiction was approximately equal, though there were about four times as many unions registered under local jurisdiction. 4. Unionization in Mexico, 1971 Sector Total Primary Industry Services EAP (000) % of total No. unions % of total Workers unionized % of total Average no.
3. 9 Source: Secretaria de Programacion y Presupuesto, Trabajo y salarios industrials 1975 (Mexico, SPP, 1977), pp. 6-8 not always available for every year. For most purposes, therefore, the number of strikes must be used as the sole measure of strike propensity. Unfortunately, a simple index of strike frequency fails to tell us either how long the strikes were or how many workers were involved. It therefore represents only one of the three dimensions of strike activity which are of interest. Secondly, the government only publishes data on legal strikes.
This is the situation, for example, in the automobile industry, at least for manual workers. It could reasonably be argued, however, that the data on strike activity in Mexico indicate the weakness of the union movement. Strike frequency is not high, and this is often attributed either to the weakness of unions (which do not wish to risk losing a strike) or to the progovernment (and hence anti-strike) attitude of union leaders. In general, both these arguments have some force, though it should also be borne in mind that the industrial relations system encourages settlements in the labour courts and the Ministry of Labour without recourse to strike action.