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The Politics of Nationhood: Sovereignty, Britishness, and by P. Lynch

By P. Lynch

For over a century the Conservative get together has been pointed out because the patriotic celebration protecting the country nation and British identification. Thatcherism sought to transform the Conservative politics of nationhood within the mild of replaced conditions, however the Thatcher and significant Governments confronted major difficulties dealing with the Union, eu integration and a multicultural society. Philip Lynch examines the main advancements and statecraft difficulties within the conservative politics of nationhood throughout the Thatcher and significant interval.

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Prior to 1961, successive governments had ruled out full participation in supranational European organizations for a number of reasons: unwillingness to cede national sovereignty; a ‘three circles’ foreign policy envisaging Britain as a world power with influence in Commonwealth, Atlantic and European spheres; and short-term assessments of the economic implications of membership. In the mid-1950s the Six were determined to establish a customs union, rejecting British plans 84900c02 24 7/24/98, 8:51 AM Heath and Powell – Two National Strategies 25 for a Free Trade Area which would safeguard her preferential trading relations with the Commonwealth and ensure non-discriminatory trade with the continent.

35 Heath’s European policy was crucial to the redefinition of Conservative statecraft and the politics of nationhood, moving away from notions of indivisible sovereignty and accepting (to some extent) that effective influence and domestic goals might be achieved by pooling sovereignty. However, Heath’s vision of European integration was a managerial rather than ideological one. Tensions between British interests and perspectives – pragmatism, intergovernmentalism, parliamentary sovereignty – and those of the Six were already evident, while factional disputes in both main parties illustrated that the adaptation of the British political system to this new context of European integration would be a slow and difficult one.

32 Heath placed his faith in the ‘community method’ of interstate bargaining in a cooperative framework in which the Commission acts as broker and Member States promote common interests and consensual decision-making. But the boundaries of integration are nonetheless determined by nation-states who retain veto rights in order to protect their core interests. 33 By pooling sovereignty, Britain could achieve domestic goals which had previously proved elusive: through the Community, government effectiveness would increase, sheltering it from domestic pressures.

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