By Bill Press
In Toxic Talk, invoice Press uncovered the ways that the intense right-wing media has performed an finish run round the American balloting population via exerting a disproportionate keep an eye on over open political debate. In The Obama Hate Machine, Press returns to teach how the ideal has taken rhetoric to slanderous new degrees in attacking the nation’s forty-fourth president.
But presidents have continually been attacked like this, correct? Wrong. because the writer exhibits, whereas presidents and presidential applicants in many instances were topic to private assaults, the outright disdain Obama’s extremist rivals have for the proof has encouraged an insidious model of personality assassination specified in modern politics.
Obama was once born in Kenya . . . Obama sympathizes with Muslim terrorists . . . Obama is a communist who desires to institute loss of life panels and spark off classification warfare…The volume to which those unfounded assertions have taken carry within the American attitude indicates simply how ruthless, harmful, and omnipotent the right-wing machine—hijacked through extremists within the media and fueled by way of company coffers—has turn into. the writer finds how company pursuits resembling the notorious Koch Brothers proceed to lead political insurance clear of fact-based discussion into the area of anxiety. invoice Press additionally observes this phenomenon isn't really restricted to the airwaves and gives an “I Hate Obama ebook Club” record, calling out the rankings of anti-Obama tomes—and even a few from the Left—that have helped drag politics even deeper into the dust.
In his attribute on-the-mark arguments guaranteed to attract an individual at the Left or within the middle, Press indicates how the strange nature of Obama-hating subverts issue-driven debate and threatens not just the end result of the 2012 election however the way forward for the yankee democratic system.
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Extra info for The Obama Hate Machine: The Lies, Distortions, and Personal Attacks on the President---and Who Is Behind Them
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In terms of pride, focus group interactions showed that most participants ‘like to think of themselves as being open to the idea of integration of persons with disabilities into their day-to-day activities’ and that they ‘want to behave toward a person with disabilities in a kind and sympathetic manner. They don’t want to appear uncaring or unsympathetic’ (Environics Research Group 2004b: 9–10). ’ In the blunt words of one participant from Toronto, with some post-secondary education: ‘I don’t mind being around anyone with a disability as long as it is visible and not ugly’ (Environics Research Group 2004b: 34).
Canadians’ ambivalent attitudes further arise in the degree of acceptance of persons with disabilities, the awareness and opinions about barriers to inclusion, and suggestions for improving the status quo for persons with disabilities. While participants felt people with disabilities deserve the same opportunities as other citizens to participate in social, economic, and public affairs to the fullest, some participants expressed concern that the integration of people with disabilities in workplaces could negatively affect the rights of those who do not have disabilities to participation in the labour market (Environics Research Group 2004b: 9–10; also see Burge, Ouellette-Kuntz, and Lysaght 2007).
Although the city is under theorized by disability studies, the chapter draws several themes from that field of inquiry on the implications of urbanism for social cohesion, inclusion, and diversity. Canadian cities are critical sites for struggles over disabling features of society and for popular efforts at developing what citizenship means in practice. The theoretical and practical intentions of chapter 3 are threefold: first, to stimulate more serious attention to social stratification and 26 Absent Citizens social inequality, certainly in public policy analysis and social policy studies; second, to emphasize disability as a lived experience and social and historical construction, as a core dimension of inequality that ought to be routinely included in sociological research and texts; and, third, to insert the welfare state more centrally into mainstream examinations of stratification and how, through a range of technologies, state agencies and officials structure enabling and/or disabling environments for marginalized social groups.