By Achim Hurrelmann, Steffen Schneider
In line with state of the art learn, this edited quantity examines how electorate and political elites understand the legitimacy of local integration in Europe and the Americas. It analyses public opinion and political discourse at the ecu, NAFTA and MERCOSUR, arguing that legitimation styles form the advance of nearby governance.
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Extra resources for The Legitimacy of Regional Integration in Europe and the Americas
Example text
2012). Starting with media coverage, we know that general levels of media coverage of EU affairs have been increasing throughout the EU, though strong differences between nation states remain (de Vreese 2001; Wessler et al. 2008; Boomgaarden et al. 2013). Coverage and communicative interaction remain not only nation-state-specific but also highly dominated by national political elites and national stories or narratives (Koopmans and Statham 2010; Risse 2014). While discourse tends to be critical of individual politicians and policies at both national and European levels, the polity of the EU is increasingly contested in principle (de Wilde et al.
The question of legitimacy should therefore be a primary consideration for academic research on popular attitudes toward regional integration in 33 34 Brian Bow North America (and presumably also in other regional contexts), as a potential barometer for the political potency of anti-regionalism more generally. The following section makes the case that a failure to understand and respond to popular concerns about the legitimacy of regional integration after NAFTA led to the creation of self-defeating regional institutions, which have in turn undercut the political foundation for more ambitious forms of regional cooperation.
Evidence comes from some of the most important movements in each region: Convergència i Unió in Spain, the Parti Québécois in Canada, the Lega Nord in Italy and the Zapatistas in Mexico. While the study by Duina and Bok demonstrates that regional integration may be strategically leveraged by political actors to achieve domestic purposes, Chapter 12 by Ian Robinson examines explicit antiNAFTA mobilization by social movement coalitions in the United States, Canada and Mexico. Robinson compares the composition of these coalitions, the frames and narratives each of them privileged in its criticism of NAFTA and the success of their delegitimating discourses.