By Rick Perlstein
From the bestselling writer of Nixonland: a stunning portrait of the United States at the verge of a fearful breakdown within the tumultuous political and fiscal instances of the 1970s.
In January of 1973 Richard Nixon introduced the top of the Vietnam warfare and ready for a successful moment term—until televised Watergate hearings printed his White residence as little greater than a mafia den. the subsequent president declared upon Nixon’s resignation “our lengthy nationwide nightmare is over”—but then congressional investigators uncovered the CIA for assassinating international leaders. The cave in of the South Vietnamese govt rendered moot the sacrifice of a few 58,000 American lives. The financial system was once in tatters. And as american citizens started wondering their state in a brand new way—as yet another state between international locations, not more providential than any other—the pundits declared that any longer profitable politicians will be the ones who commemorated this chastened new nationwide mood.
Ronald Reagan by no means bought the message. Which was once why, whilst he introduced his purpose to problem President Ford for the 1976 Republican nomination, those self same pundits brushed off him—until, amazingly, it began to seem like he simply may win. He was once inventing the hot conservative political tradition we all know now, during which a imaginative and prescient of patriotism rooted in a feeling of yankee limits was once derailed in America’s Bicentennial yr by way of the increase of the smiling flesh presser from Hollywood. opposed to a backdrop of melodramas from the Arab oil embargo to Patty Hearst to the near-bankruptcy of America’s maximum urban, The Invisible Bridge asks the query: what does it suggest to think in the US? To wave a flag—or to reject the glibness of the flag wavers?
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Extra resources for The Invisible Bridge: The Fall of Nixon and the Rise of Reagan
Sample text
When the army annulled the elections through its coup, a chorus of support rose from civil society, preferring the steel boot to the minaret. The January 1992 coup d'etat in Algeria not only marked the end of Algeria's dramatic and fast-moving experiment in political reform, but it also demarcates the end of a phase of experimental reform in the Maghreb (Arab West) and the Mashreq (Arab East). Following the FIS electoral victories, many Arab elites lost their enthusiasm for reform, and certainly for democratization.
5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. II. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. Key Issues of Interdependence of security issues, and, recently, has been exploited to prevent any debate in favor of Kurdish rights in Turkey. Detailed data on these issues are provided in UNDP 1994. See Fargues 1994, p. 172. See Fargues 1994. See White 1995. See New Perspectives Quarterly, Fall 1994, p. 27. 1995 data for the Middle East shows 13,800 host computers for Internet access, an increase of 98 percent from 1994 to 1995.
In many Arab countries, the Islamic groups could also continue as organized public groups outside the mosques as religious or philanthropic organizations not directly affected by bans on political organizations. Moreover, since religious discourse was a type of discourse that could not be easily suppressed, in most Arab countries Islamic forms of political expression became the only forms open to those dissatisfied with the status quo. In other words, successful government repression of other political forms of political expression indirectly swelled the ranks of the Islamists.