By Scott W. Hibbard
This comparative research probes why conservative renderings of spiritual culture within the usa, India, and Egypt stay so influential within the politics of those 3 ostensibly secular societies. the USA, Egypt, and India have been fundamental types of secular modernity within the Nineteen Fifties and Sixties. by way of the Nineteen Eighties and Nineteen Nineties, conservative Islamists challenged the Egyptian govt, India witnessed a surge in Hindu nationalism, and the Christian correct within the usa rose to dominate the Republican get together and big swaths of the general public discourse. utilizing a nuanced theoretical framework that emphasizes the interplay of faith and politics, Scott W. Hibbard argues that 3 interrelated matters resulted in this situation. First, as a necessary a part of the development of collective identities, faith serves as a foundation for social team spirit and political mobilization. moment, in offering an ethical framework, religion's conventional parts make it proper to trendy political existence. 3rd, and most important, in manipulating faith for political achieve, political elites undermined the secular consensus of the trendy kingdom that have been in position because the finish of global battle II. jointly, those elements sparked a brand new period of right-wing non secular populism within the 3 nations.Although a lot has been written concerning the resurgence of non secular politics, students have paid much less consciousness to the position of nation actors in selling new visions of faith and society. spiritual Politics and Secular States fills this hole by way of situating this development inside long-standing debates over the right kind function of faith in public existence.
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Additional resources for Religious Politics and Secular States: Egypt, India, and the United States
Example text
As such, modern religious ideologies are just that: modern. Religion is integral to the construction of nationalist or communal ideologies and is a common feature of populist (and nationalist) mobilization. Religion, moreover, is uniquely able to provide a moral sanction for political action. As a result, it is central to the legitimation of modern state institutions and the claims made by those who seek to control (or overthrow) such institutions. A second feature of this alternative is its rejection of the dichotomous understanding of religious politics noted above.
This strategy entailed alliances with those who had opposed Nasser in earlier years, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt’s landowners, and the leaders of Saudi Arabia. It also involved the use of conservative religion to stigmatize the political left and to mobilize popular sentiment behind state authority. These policies marked a significant break with the Nasserist legacy, an abandonment of the secular orientation of Egypt’s 1952 revolution. Chapter 3 examines the long-term consequences of Sadat’s policies.
Those who recognize that none hold an exclusive claim on absolute truth are more willing to tolerate diversity and pluralism in matters of belief. Religion, from this perspective, is relegated to the realm of conscience and seen as a private, not a public, matter. This approach to religion is greatly influenced by the Enlightenment and is consistent with a willingness to accommodate the individual on matters of conscience and freedom of thought. Illiberal or exclusive interpretations of religion, on the other hand, are more typically associated with the kind of ethnic nationalisms evident in Popper’s closed society.