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Psychiatry and the Business of Madness: An Ethical and by B. Burstow

By B. Burstow

Psychiatry and the company of insanity deconstructs psychiatric discourse and perform, exposes the self-interest on the center of the psychiatric/psychopharmacological firm, and demonstrates that psychiatry is epistemologically and ethically irredeemable. Burstow's scientific and old examine and in-depth interviews display that the paradigm is untenable, that psychiatry is pseudo-medicine, that the "treatments" don't "correct" issues yet reason them. Burstow essentially demanding situations our correct to incarcerate or in a different way subdue these we discover distressing. She invitations the reader to reconsider how society addresses those difficulties, and provides concrete feedback for societal transformation, with "services" grounded locally. A compelling piece of scholarship, impeccable in its common sense, unwavering in its ethical dedication, and innovative in its implications.

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D. Laing (1959/1965), who replaces medical concepts with existential ones and argues that “symptoms” might be best seen as solutions to social and interpersonal dilemmas; psychiatrist Peter Breggin (1983 and 1979), who puts forth the hypothesis that there is a one-to-one correlation between the “effectiveness” of psychiatric treatments and the brain damage produced; Howard Becker (1963) and Erving Goffman (1961), members of a groundbreaking group of sociologists known as “labeling theorists,” who demonstrated convincingly that labels and professionals play a central role in creating “deviance”16 ; journalist Robert Whitaker (2010 and 2002), whose extensive research into the relationship between psychiatry and the multinational pharmaceutical industry has revealed conflicts of interest of staggering proportions; feminists Phyllis Chesler (1972), Elaine Showalter (1987), and Paula Caplan (1995) for tracing the construction of woman as mad; Frantz Fanon (1952/1967), who interrogated the racism and laid bare the colonial enterprise; Kirk and Kutchins (1992) for shedding light on DSM processes; Erik Fabris (2011), a sociologist/psychiatric survivor who highlights the survivor narrative; and psychiatrist David Healy (2009), who has revealed harrowing truths about the psychopharmaceutical industry (note, given their privileged access to confidential material because of their status as expert witnesses in liability suits, Breggin and Healy are especially referenced—albeit Healy, significantly, with respect to drugs only).

Such measures allowed for oversight of the property of the “mad”—a practice characteristically both corrupt and lucrative. Even in these early days, note, there was money to be made in the lunatic trade. ” Correspondingly, the “impoverished mad” were to varying degrees covered under the poor laws, which progressively swept Europe— Europe’s solution to increased population and pauperization. 5 The designation “deserving,” I would add, was a tricky appellation, which arguably backfired in the long run.

Given that this chapter contains a plurality of stories, given that various discourses appear, disappear, and reappear, and given that there are nonlinear principles here which are critical to grasp, what follows is not always linear. The linear story per se begins with the classical period—humours theory in particular. ” As the state powers which were to eventually form the core of psychiatry are writ large The Evolution of “Madness” l 27 in the early Anglo-Saxon tradition, our account begins here.

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