By Michela Wrong
In January 2003, Kenya—seen because the so much solid state in Africa—was hailed as a version of democracy after the peaceable election of its new president, Mwai Kibaki. by way of appointing revered longtime reformer John Githongo as anticorruption czar, the recent Kikuyu executive signaled its choice to finish the corrupt practices that had tainted the former regime. but in basic terms years later, Githongo himself was once at the run, having chanced on that the recent management was once ruthlessly pillaging public funds.
"Under former President Moi, his Kalenjin tribesmen ate. Now it's our flip to eat," politicians and civil servants as regards to the president advised Githongo. As a member of the govt and the president's personal Kikuyu tribe, Githongo was once anticipated to cooperate. yet he refused to be certain via ethnic loyalty. Githongo had secretly compiled proof of respectable malfeasance and, at nice own possibility, made the painful option to pass public. the end result used to be Kenya's model of Watergate.
Michela Wrong's account of the way a pillar of the institution grew to become whistle-blower, turning into at the same time probably the most hated and sought after males in Kenya, grips like a political mystery. whilst, by way of exploring the standards that proceed to blight Africa—ethnic favoritism, executive corruption, and the conceited complacency of Western donor nations—It's Our flip to devour probes the very roots of the continent's obstacle. it's a tale that nobody fascinated with our international destiny can come up with the money for to overlook.
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Additional resources for It's Our Turn to Eat: The Story of a Kenyan Whistle-Blower
Example text
A second set of interviews were conducted in three case The Politics of regional identity 10 study countries: Greece, Malta and Morocco. The objectives of this dual methodology were to: • understand the rationale of policy-makers within the EU in their policies towards the Mediterranean; • chart the policy instruments used by EU policy-makers towards the Mediterranean; • map out the EU’s policy-making process towards the Mediterranean; • analyse the images and perceptions of the Mediterranean in EU policymaking, and the impact of these images and perceptions on policy; • contrast images and perceptions of the Mediterranean in case study countries with those in Brussels; • contrast perceptions of EU policy on the Mediterranean in case study countries with EU actors’ perceptions of EU Med policy.
59 In Malta, Maltese and English were the main languages used during interviews, while in Morocco, French was mainly used with some Arabic at times, and in Greece most interviews were conducted in English or French. The aim of this selection is to show that those features these cases have in common provide a basis for a systemic comparison and explanation of their differences. The aim is not to neglect any fundamental and fairly obvious differences that exist between these societies by fitting them into a procrustean bed of structural similarities.
34 Policy is here understood as discourse as it in effect defines its object/field of knowledge. In other words, discourse is there to organise, regulate, categorise and construct: policy does exactly what discourse does – it constructs our knowledge of the international field and the parameters of our actions in it. In the case of the EMP this policy defines the Mediterranean and Europe. 36 Through this critical approach to FPA, EU elite representations of European identity through foreign policy will also be uncovered.