By Linda Hantrais
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Additional info for Gendered Policies in Europe: Reconciling Employment and Family Life
Sample text
An MEP on the Women's Rights Committee called for a report (Lulling), but its formal adoption was deliberately delayed to prevent it from being adopted by the Council of Ministers. Much less publicity was given to another case, in which the judgement went the other way. Two years later, in 1997, Case C-409/95 Hellmut Marschall v Land N ordrhein-Westfalen [ 1997] received a judgement in favour of positive action, which provided a certain amount of flexibility. Meanwhile, at the Intergovernmental Conference, on the initiative of some women-friendly governments, a new provision had been introduced into the draft Treaty of Amsterdam.
An unexpected, though not illogical outcome, was that British men seemed to be contributing to a greater extent to household tasks than, for example, some of their counterparts in countries where the male-breadwinner model was weaker (Eurobarometer, 1996; Eurostat, 1997b). Despite the opposition of British governments to the growing competence of European institutions as social policy actors, the blocking tactics practised by the United Kingdom appear to have delayed rather than prevented some of the equality directives from being taken forward.
The implication was that employment provided a living wage, while welfare benefits were distributed through taxation to all citizens on equal terms whatever their employment status. The social security systems in these three countries were also distinguished from the 'continental' model by their preference for fiscal resources and the universal provision of health care rather than insurance contributions and income-related benefits. The three member states had in common their voluntarist tradition in labour market regulation, based on negotiated contractual arrangements between employers and workers rather than legal statutes (Rhodes, 1995, p.