By Season Hoard (auth.)
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Extra info for Gender Expertise in Public Policy: Towards a Theory of Policy Success
Sample text
In contrast to Harrington’s (2006) analysis on gender expertise, NGOs appear to be an important element contributing to policy success; however, they are not experts. Woodward’s conceptualization appears to limit expertise to academic communities, and adopting this conceptualization could drastically limit the actors that would be considered gender experts. Woodward’s analysis provides little guidance on the type of knowledge that would allow scholars to distinguish between gender experts and experts from other fields in the policy process.
While the second dimension will be discussed in more detail later, in order to understand what constitutes gender expertise, it is essential to examine the type of specialized knowledge required in order to be considered a gender expert. Gender is a complex concept in its own right. Some have used gender as a synonym for sex; however, feminist scholars have long rejected the “add women and stir” approach to science, which simply adds women as a variable for analysis in research (Black 1989, Sapiro 1991, Goertz and Mazur 2008).
Covaghan 2010, 20). Everyday knowledge is related to Collins and Evans’ (2007) ubiquitous knowledge in that it is tacit; institutionally produced knowledge is more abstract and differentiated from practice, similar to Collins and Evans’ (2007) contributory expertise; and popular knowledge, with similarities to Collins and Evans’ (2007) idea of interactional expertise, serves as an intermediary between expert and everyday knowledge (as cited in Covaghan 2010). Collins and Evans’ (2007) and Andresen and Dölling’s (2005) analyses of knowledge make it clear that knowledge is a continuous concept with various levels; however, expertise and consequently gender expertise are dichotomous concepts.