By Marisa Wilson
Offering an extraordinary glimpse of rural lifestyles in modern day Cuba, this e-book examines how traditional Cubans carve out their very own areas for ‘appropriate’ acts of intake, trade, and creation in the contradictory normative and fabric areas of daily financial life.
- Discusses the clash among the socialist-welfare perfect of nutrition as an entitlement and the marketplace worth of meals as a commodity
- Bridges the fields of human geography and anthropology
- Approaches meals networks and the size of meals structures in a singular way
- Provides a accomplished examine Cuba this day, with insurance of historical past, politics, economics, and social and environmental justice
- Enhanced through vibrant photographs from the field
Read Online or Download Everyday Moral Economies: Food, Politics and Scale in Cuba PDF
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Additional resources for Everyday Moral Economies: Food, Politics and Scale in Cuba
Sample text
The above forms of justification are associated with particular scales: the so-called global market, national norms and localized spheres of provisioning. The latter necessarily cut across both national and global economic spaces, and it is the purpose of this book to uncover how such nodes between the local and the global, and between the local and the national, are moralized in everyday life. National spaces and the logics of food provisioning in Cuba differ markedly from those of the global market, simply because each entails different processes of valuation.
Like the theory of perfect markets, which continues as an ‘ought’ despite recurring global financial crises, the Cuban Communist Party (Partido Comunista Cubano, PCC) continues to re-develop old values in new contexts. Thus, while the legalization of hard currency marked a break from the socialist economic model, the latter has remained dominant in official circles. Officially, food (like healthcare and education) should be treated as an ‘inalienable’9 or non-commodifiable public good, produced by and distributed to citizens according to the communist tenet: ‘From each according to his capacity, to each according to his needs’ (which has been significantly altered in recent years, see chapter 4).
Prior to 1959, Cuba resembled other Caribbean societies in its close links to outside commodities and modern consumer values. Memories of this period are still in the minds of some older Cubans I interviewed (see chapter 2), and present-day affiliations with people from the ‘outside’ (afuera) have in some cases allowed for the re-emergence of such forms of value. But since 1959 ‘food moralities’6 have been shaped by an inward-looking model of production and consumption, according to which hard work leads to the ‘just’ redistribution of collective property.