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Equality and Partiality by Thomas Nagel

By Thomas Nagel

Derived from Thomas Nagel's Locke Lectures, Equality and Partiality proposes a nonutopian account of political legitimacy, in keeping with the necessity to accommodate either own and impersonal reasons in any credible ethical idea, and for this reason in any political idea with an ethical origin. inside of every one person, Nagel believes, there's a department among standpoints, the private and the impersonal. with out the impersonal point of view, there will be no morality, simply the conflict, compromise, and low convergence of person views. the reason is, a man or woman doesn't occupy in basic terms his personal standpoint that every people is at risk of the claims of others via deepest and public morality. Political structures, to be valid, needs to in achieving an integration of those standpoints in the person. those principles are utilized to express difficulties corresponding to social and fiscal inequality, toleration, overseas justice, and the general public aid of tradition. Nagel issues to the matter of balancing equality and partiality because the most crucial factor with which political theorists are actually confronted.

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So if everyone's benefit counts the same from the impersonal standpoint, and if there is a presumption in favor of greater benefit, there will be a reason to prefer a more equal to a less equal distribution of a given quantity of resources. Although actual alternatives do not in general offer a constant quantity of resources, the rate at which marginal utility diminishes is so rapid that it will still have egalitarian consequences even in many cases in which the better off stand to lose more resources than the worse off stand to gain.

Even a general principle of pure selfishness would be universal in that sense. Rather, I am talking about a condition of harmony among the aims and actions of distinct persons as part of what determines which principles of agent-relative rationality are the right ones. To apply this condition would mean that if we find that an apparently reasonable personal-impersonal balance for individuals still leads them into unresolvable conflict over the kind of basic social arrangements they can accept, we may nevertheless not regard the prosecution of this conflict as an acceptable determinant of the actual result.

17 A Theory of Justice, p. 27. 16 simply assume that they are to be combined like vectors of force, which add together or cancel one another out. That is the utilitarian solution, but it seems in fact the wrong way to treat them. Instead they have to be compared with one another at least partly in accordance with some standard of relative priority. The separateness of the concerns does not rule out all ranking of alternatives involving different persons, nor does it mean that benefiting more people is not in itself preferable to benefiting fewer.

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