By Jeremy Wallace
China's administration of urbanization is an under-appreciated think about the regime's sturdiness. The chinese language Communist get together fears "Latin Americanization" -- the emergence of hugely unequal megacities with their attendant slums and social unrest. Such towns threaten the survival of nondemocratic regimes. To strive against the danger, many regimes, together with China's, prefer towns in policymaking. Cities and Stability indicates this "urban bias" to be a Faustian discount: towns might be stabilized for a time, however the great in-migration from the nation-state that effects can generate the stipulations for political upheaval. via its hukou approach of inner migration regulations, China has refrained from this hassle, at the same time helping urbanites and preserving farmers within the nation-state. The method helped hinder social upheaval even in the course of the nice Recession, while hundreds of thousands of laid-off migrant employees dispersed from coastal towns. Jeremy Wallace's strong account forces us to reconsider the connection among towns and political balance through the constructing global.
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Extra info for Cities and Stability: Urbanization, Redistribution, and Regime Survival in China
These mechanisms connect large cities with the collapse of nondemocratic regimes. 3 As its name demonstrates, nondemocracy was a catchall that contained everything that failed to measure up to a democracy. 4 The regime as the unit of analysis broke with the prior study which took the country-year and levels of democracy as its focus. This change allowed scholars to think about the leaders of nondemocracies and the challenges that they faced. 3 The lack of a single term for a transition from democracy to nondemocracy, a reversal of democratization, points to the general sense—or indeed hope—of scholars that democratic transitions were permanent and irreversible.
The political logic of urban bias would lead one to conclude that urban bias should induce urban concentration. Main cities are most likely to receive the benefits of “urban” bias, since it is the political potential of the residents of those main cities and not of all cities that represent the greatest threat to the regime. As such, those locations are the ones likely to disproportionately receive targeted benefits. 65 Over time, larger cities with more marginal migrants become increasingly expensive for the government to appease and observe.
Political science thinks of redistributive policy principally as a matter of power or leverage, whereas economics focuses on the efficient allocation of labor and capital and trajectories for maximizing economic growth. The power of the purse is a major one. The taxing and spending policies of governments, when combined with the capacity to limit the legal selling of Kalyvas 2004, 165. Bates 1981. 80 Naughton 2007. 78 79 Urban Bias 37 products, makes up most of the state’s ability to control the economic activity within its territory.