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African Americans and the Politics of Congressional by Dewey M. Clayton

By Dewey M. Clayton

This booklet offers an in depth research of the politics of racial redistricting, an issue of specific situation in mild of modern federal proceedings. The booklet is split into components. half one examines the old exclusion of blacks from the yank political approach and the politics at the back of congressional redistricting. The textual content specializes in partisan manoeuvering and assesses whose pursuits have been being served. particularly, the booklet chronicles the legislative motion (creation of majority black districts) in North Carolina and round the South. half shifts the focal point to the myriad of felony battles that ensued a result of newly-created districts in North Carolina and round the South. Majority black districts were dismantled within the very best court docket. This has been as a result of the feedback in their "arbitrary" form, and the proposal that race was once thought of a major truth or of their layout. but, irregularly-shaped majority white districts haven't been accused of violating districting ideas. This publication purports that blacks weren't elected to nationwide workplace in huge numbers sooner than the production of majority black districts, indicating the continued desire for race-conscious districting as a short lived answer to a posh challenge.

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Extra info for African Americans and the Politics of Congressional Redistricting (Race and Politics)

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California had the largest increase, with a gain of seven seats. Florida followed with a gain of four seats. Texas gained three seats, and Arizona, Georgia, North Carolina, Virginia, and Washington each gained one seat. Conversely, those states that lost representation were for the most part in the Northeast and Midwest. Thirteen states lost at least one seat in their congressional delegation. New York lost three seats, and Illinois, Michigan, Ohio, and Pennsylvania each lost two seats. S. 2 Each state must redraw its congressional districts based on whether it gained or lost seats during the reapportionment process.

The courts have yet to provide guidance as to how to measure intent. The irony here is that the federal courts have always looked on redistricting as a highly partisan affair. It was not until the early 1960s that the federal courts determined that disputes of this nature were ripe for judicial intervention. Today, the federal courts have clearly indicated that partisan gerrymandering is within the scope of their jurisdiction. Historically, the state of North Carolina has attempted to observe the traditional notions of contiguity of territory and compactness of districts.

49 Guinier121. 50 Guinier95. ” New York Times Magazine, February 27, 1994:54. , March 22, 1994: H1876. CHAPTER 3 Pander, Slander, Gerrymander The redistricting process that unfolded in each southern state in the early 1990s was characterized by its own unique set of political machinations. However, there were similarities common to states throughout the South. With the exception of Tennessee and Arkansas, the remaining nine states in the region were covered by the Voting Rights Act of 1965, in whole or in part.

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